The Life of Melville Sample Chapter

NOTES:

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This is a serious work of church history.

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It consists of two paperbhack volumes of over 400 pages each.

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It gives the reader a real sense of the times and detailed accounts of the events.

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It gives the reader a sense of the courage, intrepidy, as well as the faith, of those who contended for civil and especially religious liberty.

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This chapter was about 80 pages in the original and about one-half has been scanned in to give the reader a feel for the narrative.

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The original is copiously foot-noted but these have been deleted in this sample.

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When I reprinted this work I assumed that Presbyterian ministers would line up to purchase a work that gives such a detailed, accurate and inspiring account of the Reformation in Scotland and the struggles involved in the initial establishment of Presbyterianism in the English speaking world. Since this did not turn out to be the case it is highly discounted and the current price is well below my cost so this book is the best bargain available from the American Presbyterian Press.

 

Chapter VI

IN the month of December 1580, Melville went to St Andrews, accompanied by Sir Andrew Ker of Fadounside, the lairds of Braid and Lundie, and Tames Lawson and John Dury, ministers of Edinburgh. Being formally installed as Principal of the New College, he delivered his inaugural oration, and proceeded to lecture on the system of theology.

He had obtained liberty to select from the university of Glasgow such as he thought best qualified for teaching the sacred languages under him ; but as he was averse to hurt that rising institution, and to weaken the hands of his successor, he contented himself with taking along with him his nephew, James Melville, who, being admitted professor of the oriental tongues, began to give lessons on Hebrew. At the same time, John Robertson commenced teaching in the Greek New Testament. The talents and literature of Robertson were not of a superior order; but as he was unexceptionable in other respects, and had long been a regent in that college, it was not judged proper to displace him, and the principal exerted himself in supplying his deficiencies". These were all the professors appointed at this time, the commissioners having determined that the two other places should not be filled, until those who held bursaries of philosophy in the college -had finished their course-.

The ability with which Blelville went through his first course of lectures at St Andrews, is acknowledged by his greatest enemies. Of this the testimony of the biographer, and son-in-law of Adamson, may be regarded as a satisfactory proof " To confess the truth (says he) candidly and ingenuously, Melville was a learned man; but more qualified for ruling in the schools than in the church or commonwealth. Of his first course, extending to four or five years, I can speak from personal knowledge, having been one of his eager and constant hearers. He taught learnedly and perfectly the knowledge and practice of the Hebrew, Chaldee, Syriac, and Rabinical languages. At the same time, he elucidated with much erudition and accuracy the heads of theology, as laid down in the Institutions of John Calvin, and other writings of excellent divines, together with the principal books of both Testaments, and the most difficult and abstruse mysteries of revealed religion ."

Melville's lectures excited an interest in the university, and were attended not only by the student, of theology, but also by several of the masters in the other colleges, who were conscious of their deficiency in those branches of learning in which he excelled, and not ashamed to be taught after they had become the teachers of others. Among these was the amiable Robert Rollock, at that time a regent in St Salvator's College, and soon after chosen to be the first professor and principal in the newly erected university of Edinburgh *.

Notwithstanding these gratifying testimonies of approbation, the apprehensions which Melville had entertained as to the difficulties which he would meet with in his new situation were verified. It was not to be expected that the extensive changes prescribed by the late act of Parliament could be carried into effect, without exciting dissatisfaction in the university. To introduce a reform into old corporations has always been found a difficult task ; and self-interest has a powerful influence on learned bodies, as well as on those which are constituted for purposes directly secular. Some of the teachers were offended at losing their places, others at the reduction of their salaries; the new regulations respecting the mode of teaching were alarming to the indolence of some, and revolting to the prejudices of others. All of them were disposed, however unreasonably, to impute their sufferings to Melville. William Skene and William Welwood, the professors of law and mathematics, had been removed from the new college to that of St. Salvator. The funds of the latter had of late been greatly impaired by negligence, or by improper leases; and the old professors complained, that they were unable to bear the additional burden imposed on them; alleged that the new professors were superfluous and unnecessary, and resisted the payment of their salaries.

Robert Hamilton vented his chagrin at being deprived of the provostship of the new college, by instituting a process against his successor for arrears which he alleged to be due to him. Melville, when he accepted the office, had insisted that, previous to his entering upon its duties, all accounts should be' settled, and he now devolved the plea on the commissioners to whom parliament had referred that business. They were so far influenced, however, as to throw the claim upon him. The death of Hamilton` suspended the process; but it was revived and carried on by the individual who married his widow. This was Thomas Buchanan, master of the grammar-school of Stirling, who had lately been appointed provost of the collegiate church of Kirkheugh, and minister of Ceres, in the neighbourhood of St Andrews. He was a very intimate friend of Melville. who felt hurt at being harassed by one upon whose assistance he had calculated, when he undertook his present difficult charge. The dispute was finally settled, by the allotting of a glebe belonging to the college to Hamilton's relict during life.

John Caldeleugh, one of the outed regents, was extremely noisy with his complaints, and boasted in all companies that he would hough the newmade principal, whenever he met him. He one day burst into Melville's chamber, and demanded rudely, if he knew him. Melville said, he did not. " I should be known as a master of this college: my name is Mr John Caldeleugh."--" Ho! Is this you that will hough men?" replied Melville; and, shutting the door, told him that they were now alone, and he had a fair opportunity of carrying his threats into execution. Caldeleugh's choler and his courage immediately fell; upon which Melville gave him such a severe, and at the same time friendly, lecture on the impropriety of his conduct, that he went away quite mortified and humbled, accepted of a bursary in the college, and lived in it quietly as a student, until he was called to act as a professor.

The discontents of the excluded masters were scarcely allayed, when a greater storm arose against Melville from the other colleges. In the course of his lectures on the system of theology, he took occasion, when treating of such heads as the Being and Attributes of God, Creation, and Providence, to expose the errors contained in the writings of Aristotle, and to shew that they were inconsistent with the principles of both natural and revealed religion. No sooner was this known, than the regents of philosophy raised an outcry against him, almost as violent as that of the craftsmen of Ephesus, when the apostle preached against idolatry, and from motives not essentially ,different from theirs. They complained that their character was attacked, and their credit undermined ; and that a philosopher who had been held in immemorial veneration in all the schools of the world, was falsely accused and indecently traduced. So zealous were the members of St Leonard's College that they delivered solemn orations in defence of Aristotle, containing broad insinuations against the individual who had been so presumptuous as to condemn their oracle. 

Tu ne cede malis, sed contra audentior ito,was the principle by which Melville was guided on all such occasion's. Disregarding the ignorant clamour and interested alarm which had been excited, he persisted in the course which he had taken; and, when the subject was introduced in the public meetings of the university at vacations and promotions, he refuted the arguments of his opponents with such readiness, force of reasoning, and overpowering eloquence, as reduced them to silence. Before he had been two years at St Andrews, a favourable change was visible on the university. Many of those who were most strongly prejudiced against the new learning, as they called it, were induced to apply to the acquisition of languages; instead of boasting perpetually of the authority of Aristotle, and quoting him ignorantly at second-hand, they perused his writings in the original; studied the arts for purposes of real utility, and not for shew and verbal contention ; and, becoming real philosophers and theologians, acknowleged, that they had undergone a wonderful transportation out of darkness into light." Among these were John Malcolm and Andrew Duncan, then regents of St Leonard's, and afterwards ministers of Perth and Crail, who from being among the keenest opponents, were converted into warm admirers and steady friends of Melville. 

In the midst of his academical labours, Melville was summoned to the defence of the liberties of the church, and the ecclesiastical polity which he had been so active in establishing. Soon after James bad taken the reins of government into his own hands, Esme Stewart, Lord d'Aubigne, a cousin of his father's, arrived from France. He gave out that he came to pay a short visit to his royal relative, and to claim certain lands which had descended to him from his ancestors ; but excuses were found for prolonging his stay, and it soon appeared, that his journey had been undertaken with the view of advancing more important and extensive designs. Since the coronation of James, all intercourse between the courts of Scotland and France had been broken off, and those who were successively entrusted with the regency had cultivated an exclusive connection with England. The present was deemed, by the King of France and house of Guise, a favourable opportunity for recovering their influence over the counsels of this country, and d'Aubigne was judged a fit instrument for accomplishing this object, by insinuating himself into the favour of the young monarch. His prepossessing person and engaging manners made an easy conquest of the royal affections; and he quickly rose, through a gradation of honours, to be Duke of Lennox, and Lord High Chamberlain. Under his influence the court underwent a complete change, and was filled with persons who were addicted to popery, who had uniformly opposed the king's authority, or whose private characters rendered them totally unworthy of access to the royal ear. Among these was Captain James Stewart, a son of Lord Ochiltree, and a man of the most profligate manners, and the most unprincipled ambition. By these upstarts the design was undertaken of exchanging the friendship of England for that of France, and of associating the name of Queen Mary with that of her son in the government of the kingdom; a design which could not be carried into execution, without overturning all that had been done during fourteen years, and exposing the national liberties and the protestant establishment to the utmost peril .

This change on the court could not fail to alarm the ministers of the church, who had received satisfactory information of the project that was on foot. Their apprehensions were confirmed by the arrival of several jesuits and seminary priests from abroad, and by the open revolt of some who had hitherto professed the protestant faith. They accordingly warned their hearers of the danger which they apprehended, and pointed at the favourite as an emissary of the house of Guise and of Rome. Lennox, after holding a conference with some of the ministers, declared himself a convert to the protestant doctrine, and publicly renounced the popish religion ". The jealousy of the nation was revived and inflamed by the interception of letters from Rome, granting a dispensation to the Roman Catholics to profess the protestant tenets for a time, provided they preserved an inward attachment to the ancient faith, and embraced every opportunity of advancing it in secret. This discovery was the immediate occasion of that memorable transaction, the swearing of the National Covenant. It was drawn up by John Craig, and consisted of an abjuration, in the most solemn and explicit terms, of the various articles of the popish system; and an engagement to adhere to and defend the doctrine and discipline of the reformed church in Scotland. As the stability of the protestant religion depended " upon the safety and good behaviour of the King's Majesty, as upon a comfortable instrument of God's mercy granted to this country," the covenanters (for the reformers of Scotland were always Covenanters, and always loyal, though never slavish) promised, under the same oath, hand-writ, and pains, that we shall defend his person and authority with our goods, bodies, and lives, in the defence of Christ's evangel, liberties of our country, ministration of justice, and punishment of iniquity, against all enemies within this realm, or without." This bond was sworn and subscribed by the king and his household, and afterwards, in consequence of an order of the Privy Council, and an act of the General Assembly, by all ranks of persons through the kingdom; the ministers having zealously promoted the subscription of it in their respective parishes.

This solemn transaction had a powerful influence in rivetting the attachment of the people to the national religion, but it did not prevent the royal favourites from prosecuting their dangerous designs. Historians have dwelt on the arbitrary character of their administration, belt pernicious as this was, it appears harmless, when compared with the malignant and too successful efforts which they made to poison the principles, and corrupt the morals of the unhappy prince who had fallen under their influence. The great object of those by whom James was now surrounded, was to eradicate the principles which his early instructors had infused into his mind, and to give him habits opposite to those which they had laboured to form. The greater part of his time was spent in pastime. The conversation to which he was accustomed was profane, loose, and mixed with low buffoonery. Monberneau, a French gentleman who had accompanied Lennox to Scotland, and who was equally distinguished by his facetious talents and his licentious manners, was the manager of these scenes, and accompanied the king wherever he went. The odious and abandoned Captain Stewart (who had now obtained the title and estates of the unfortunate Earl of Arran) initiated him into youthful debauchery, and with the view of inflaming his passions, scrupled not to trample on those ties which natural affection and a sense of honour have induced the most profligate to respect j-. The doctrine of absolute power, so flattering and grateful to princes, was poured into his ear. His mind was filled with prejudices against those who had preserved his life and crown during his minority. It was insinuated, that all that had been done during that period, and even since the Reformation, was obnoxious to the charge of faction and usurpation and rebellion. And he was taught, that the only way to legitimate his authority, and to procure the acknowledgement of it by foreign princes, was either to admit his mother to a share with him in the government, or else by renouncing his crown, to receive it again with her voluntary consent and parental benediction. Similar prejudices were instilled into his mind against the government and ministers of the church. The former was represented as utterly irreconcilable with a pure and absolute monarchy. And if tile latter were suffered to retain their liberties, lie would still be a limited sovereign, and liable to be continually checked and controlled in the execution of his will.

To the impressions which James received at this time we must trace, as their principal cause, the troubles which distracted his administration in Scotland, as well as his arbitrary and. disreputable reign in England, which prepared the revolution by which his successor was overwhelmed, and led to the ultimate expulsion of the Stuarts from the throne of their ancestors.

The death of archbishop Boyd afforded the favourites an opportunity of commencing their at tack on the church. Though the regulations recognizing episcopacy, which were made at Leith in 1572, had been formally abrogated by the General Assembly, and abandoned and virtually annulled by the court yet were they now revived by an act of Privy Council. The disposal of the See of Glasgow was given to Lennox, who offered it to different ministers, upon the condition of their making over to him its revenues, and contenting themselves with an annual pension. The offer was at last accepted by Robert Montgomery, minister of Stirling, °' a man vain, feeble, presumptuous, and more apt, by the blemishes of his character, to have alienated the people from an order already beloved, than to reconcile them to one which was the object of their hatred." This " vile bargain", made at a time when the episcopal office stood condemned by the General Assembly, and tending directly to place the church at issue with the court, excited universal indignation. The affair being brought before the General Assembly, October 1581, the King declared his willingness that Montgomery should be proceeded against for any thing that might be faulty in his life or doctrine. Upon this Melville stood forward as his accuser, and presented a libel against him, consisting of fifteen articles. Montgomery having withdrawn while the proof was taking, the Assembly remitted the process to the presbytery of Stirling, appointing them to report their decision to the provincial synod of Lothian, who were empowered to pronounce sentence against him, if found guilty, according to the laws of the church. And in the mean time, they prohibited him from leaving his ministry at Stirling, and intruding into the bishopric of Glasgow. This injunction he disobeyed. The ministers who composed the chapter of Glasgow were charged to elect him as their bishop, and upon their refusal, the Privy Council found that the bishopric had devolved into the hands of the king, and might be disposed of by his sole authority. For entering on Montgomery's cause, according to the appointment of the Assembly, the members of

the synod of Lothian were summoned before the Privy Council. 'they appeared; and Pont, in their name, after protestation of their readiness to yield all lawful obedience, declined the judgment of that court, as incompetent, according to the laws of the country, to take cognizance of a cause which was purely ecclesiastical. This was done amidst the menaces and taunts of Arran, who was peculiarly exasperated at seeing the king disposed to shed tears, while one of the ministers affectionately warned him to be on his guard against wicked counsellors.

Melville was chosen moderator of .the General Assembly, which met at St Andrews in April 1582. Upon their taking up Montgomery's cause, as referred to them by the presbytery of Stirling, the 11-Taster of Requests presented a letter from his Majesty, desiring the Assembly not to proceed against him for any thing connected with the bishopric of Glasgow. Soon after a messenger at arms entered the house, and charged the moderator and member? of the assembly, on the pain of rebellion, to desist from the process. After serious deliberation, the assembly agreed to address a respectful letter to his Majesty ; resolved that it was their duty to proceed with the trial; summoned Montgomery, who appealed to the privy council; ratified the sentence of the presbytery of Stirling, suspending him from the exercise of the ministry; and, having found eight articles of the charge against him proved, declared that he had incurred the censures of deposition and excommunication. The pronouncing of the sentence was pre, vented by the submission of the culprit, who appeared before the assembly, withdrew his appeal, and solemnly promised to interfere no farther with the bishopric. Though gratified with this act of submission, the assembly dreaded his tergiversation, and therefore gave instructions to the presbytery of Glasgow to watch his conduct, and provided they found that he violated his engagement, to give immediate information to the presbytery of Edinburgh, who were authorized to appoint one of their number to pronounce the sentence of excommunication against him. These precautions were not unnecessary. Urged on by his own avarice, and the importunities of Lennox, who was incensed at his designs being thwarted, the assembly was scarcely broken up, when Montgomery began to preach at court and to revive his episcopal claims. The presbytery of Glasgow having met in consequence of this, he entered the house in which they were assembled, and, accompanied by the magistrates of the city and an armed force, presented an order from the king to stop their procedure. Upon their refusal, the moderator, John Howieson, minister of Cambuslang, was pulled out of the chair by the provost, and after being struck several times with great brutality, was conveyed to prison. The students of the university, for testifying their indignation at such conduct, were dispersed by the guard, and several of them wounded. In spite of the confusion produced by this disgraceful intrusion, the presbytery continued sitting until they finished their deed, finding, that Montgomery had violated his promise and contravened the act of the General Assembly. This was transmitted to the presbytery of Edinburgh, who appointed John Davidson, minister of Libberton, to excommunicate Montgomery. Davidson pronounced the sentence accordingly ; and, although the court threatened and stormed, it was intimated on the succeeding Sabbath from the pulpits of Edinburgh and Glasgow, and all the surrounding churches *.

Lennox and Arran were enraged beyond measure at this resolute behaviour of the church-courts. A proclamation was issued by the Privy Council, declaring the excommunication of Montgomery to be null and void. Such as refused him payment of the episcopal rents were ordered to be imprisoned in the castle of Inverness. The College of Glasgow was laid under a temporary interdict on account of the opposition made by its members to their new bishop. The ministers of Edinburgh, on account of their freedom in condemning the late measures of the court, and pointing out the favourites as the guilty advisers of them, were repeatedly called before the council and insulted; and one of them, John Dury, was banished from the capital, and discharged from preaching.

Melville preached the sermon at the opening of a meeting of the General Assembly, extraordinarily convened at this critical juncture. He inveighed against those who had introduced the bludie gullie (as he termed it) of absolute power into the country, and who sought to erect a new popedom in the person of the prince. The pope, he said, was the first who united the ecclesiastical supremacy to the civil, which he had wrested from the emperor. Since the Reformation, he had, with the view of suppressing the gospel, delegated his absolute power to the emperor, and the kings of Spain and France; and from France, where it had produced the horrors of St. Bartholomew, it was brought into this country. He mentioned the design, then on foot, of resigning the King's authority into the hands of the Queen, which had been devised eight years ago, when he was in France, and was expressed in prints containing the figure of a queen with a child kneeling at her feet and craving her blessing. And he named bishops Beaton and Lesley, as the chief managers of that affair. " This will be called meddling with civil affairs (exclaimed he); but these things tend to the wreck of religion, and therefore I rehearse them t."

As this assembly was considered as a continuation of the preceding one, Melville was appointed to retain the chair. The assembly drew up a spirited remonstrance to the King and Council, complaining of the late proceedings, and craving a redress of grievances. They complained that the authority of the church had been abrogated, her censures condemned and disannulled, and her ministers obstructed, maltreated, and shamefully abused in the discharge of their office ; that his majesty had been persuaded, by some of his counsellors, to lay claim to a spiritual power, as if lie could not be a complete king and head to the commonwealth unless he was also head of the church ; and that the two jurisdictions, which God had divided, were thus confounded, benefices conferred by absolute authority, and unworthy persons intruded into the ministerial office to gratify the pleasure of men and advance their worldly interest, to the great hurt of religion, and in direct opposition to the standing laws of the land. These complaints- were arranged under fourteen heads, and the assembly concluded by °° beseeching his Majesty most humbly, for the love of God who had placed his Grace on his royal throne, and had hitherto wondrously maintained and defended his authority," to redress their grievances, with the advice of men that fear God, and do tender his Grace's estate and quietness of this commonwealth." Melville was appointed, along with a, number of other members, to go to Perth, where the King was then residing, and to present this remonstrance.

The favourites expressed high displeasure at hearing of this deputation, and the rumour ran that the commissioners would be massacred, if they ventured to approach the court. When they reached Perth, Sir James Melville of Halhill waited on .Tames Melville, and besought him to persuade his uncle not to appear, as Lennox and Arran were particularly incensed against him for the active. Part which lie had taken in defeating their measures. When the message was brought to him, and his nephew began to urge him not to despise the friendly advice of their kinsman, Melville replied," I am not afraid, thank God! nor feeble-spirited in the cause and message of Christ: come what God pleases to send, our commission shall be executed." Having obtained access to the King in council, the commissioners presented their remonstrance. When it had been read, Arran looking round the assembly with a threatening countenance, exclaimed, " Who dares subscribe these treasonable articles ?" " WE DARE," replied Melville; and advancing to the table, took the pen from the clerk and subscribed. The other commissioners immediately followed his example. Presumptuous and daring as he was, Arran felt abashed and awed for the moment; Lennox addressed the commissioners in a mild tone; and they were peaceably dismissed. Certain English men, who happened to be present, expressed their astonishment at the bold carriage of the ministers, and could scarcely be persuaded that they had not an armed force at hand to support them. They might be surprised ; for, more than forty years elapsed after that period, before any of their countrymen were able to meet the frown of an arbitrary court with such firmness and intrepidity'.

In all these contendings, the ministers had no countenance or support from any of the nobility. They acted solely upon their own convictions of duty, and were not animated by the prospect of external protection from the rare of those whom they offended. There is no evidence of their having been concerned in the confederacy which led to a change in the administration of the country. But, on the other hand, it is evident that their resistance contributed greatly to check the career of the favourites, and roused the nation to assert their liberties so ignominiously trampled on by unworthy minions and insolent strangers. Had they acted in as passive a manner as the nobility had hitherto done, a despotism might have been established in the country, which nothing short of a national convulsion could have overturned. The resistance which they made to the arbitrary measures of the court was perfectly defensible and legal. While they kept within the strict line of ecclesiastical business, their procedure was authorized by law. They were entitled to disregard the prohibitory mandates which were issued, and to hold them as forged, as surreptitiously obtained, or illegally granted by corrupt courtiers, who attempted to supersede the statutes of the realm, and to stop the established course of justice. And they had a right to employ, in defence of their liberties, those censures which were competent to them, and which in this light had been solemnly sanctioned and repeatedly recognized by acts of the legislature. At the same time their resistance was tempered by a becoming respect for authority, and a due regard to public peace. They supplicated, represented, remonstrated. No tumult was excited by them. And although pulpits were forced, and church-courts violated, and ministers assaulted, they never attempted to raise the populace, or, according to a practice common at that time, to arm their friends in their defence.

The haughtiness, rapacity, and arbitrary measures of the favourites at length exhausted the patience of the nobles, who resolved to free themselves and the country from a disgraceful servitude. The course which they took to accomplish this was very different from the open and regular resistance of the assemblies of the church. A combination having been secretly formed among the principal barons, they got possession of the King's person by surprise compelled Lennox to leave the kingdom, and Arran to confine himself to one of his own houses, and took upon themselves the direction of public affairs. By this enterprise, known by the name of the Raid of Ruthven, the church was restored to her liberty, and enjoyed a temporary calm. Nothing can be a clearer proof of the haughtiness with which Lennox had used his power, and the dangerous influence which he was understood to possess over the royal mind, than the inexorable manner in which the confederated lords insisted on his quitting the country, contrasted with their conduct to Arran, whose personal character and private manners were incomparably more hateful and detested. If they were really actuated by any favour for the latter, or, which is the more probable supposition, if they imagined that the detestation felt at his vices would prevent him from ever regaining his former influence, they were soon undeceived, and smarted severely for their criminal partiality or impolitic forbearance.

Soon after this change of administration, John Winram, sub-prior of the abbey of St Andrews, and superintendent of Fife, died at an advanced age. Though inclined to the reformed sentiments at an early period, he had retained his situation in the popish church until its overthrow. His timidity and temporizing conduct were often blamed by the protestants, and afforded topics of invective against him to the Roman Catholics, when he at last deserted their communion. He appears to have been a man of amiable dispositions and of considerable learning.

At this time too the country was deprived of its greatest literary ornament, by the death of Buchanan. The splendour of his talents is universally acknowledged, and his political sentiments and moral character have found able advocates. But he deserves also to live in the memory of his countrymen as a sincere and zealous friend to the principles of the reformation. He had not concealed his partiality to this ca,-. se when he was abroad, and after his return to his native country, he gave it his uniform and most decided support. Melville appears to have enjoyed a large share of his friendship and confidence; and the last interview between them, presents us with some of the most interesting traits in the character of the most original writer that ever Scotland produced

While Melville was engaged in this contest in behalf of the liberties of the church, he found himself also involved in the performance of extraordinary duty at St Andrews. Archbishop Adamson had begun to officiate as a preacher in the town, but as he was sometimes absent, and at other times did not feel himself disposed for such public appearances, Melville was often prevailed on, at his request, to occupy his place in the pulpit. On the death of Hamilton, the kick-session petitioned for his services, and during the vacancy of their parish, the public duties of the Sabbath were divided between him and his nephew, James Melville. He was extremely anxious that they should fix on an individual properly qualified for discharging the pastoral duties among them, and one who would be useful in his station to the university. His exertions in forwarding this object were not spontaneous on his part, but made at the express appointment of the General Assembly, and at the particular request of the kirk-session of St Andrews t. The individual first chosen was the celebrated Robert Pont. He appears to have been a native of St Andrews, had held the office of elder in that congregation for some time after the reformation, and was at present minister of St Cuthbert's Church, and provost of Trinity College, Edinburgh. In compliance with the invitation now given him, Pont came to St Andrews, and officiated as minister to the congregation for nearly twelve months, but being unable to procure a stipend, left it with the consent of the General Assembly'. This occurrence, with the cause in which it originated, was the occasion of much uneasiness to Melville. The late minister of the town had, during the latter part of his life, grown remiss in the discharge of his pastoral functions, and allowed the ecclesiastical discipline to fall in a great measure into disuse. The consequence was, that some of the principal inhabitants had no desire to obtain an active and conscientious minister, and would have been much better pleased with a person of mean gifts, provided only he would allow them to live at peace, as they termed it, and not disturb them with reproofs from the pulpit, or with sessional prosecutions. The prior and pensioners of the abbey availed themselves of this feeling, and, with the connivance of the magistrates of the city, retained the funds destined for the minister's support in their own hands, and spent it in pastime and luxury. Finding that their services were made an excuse for delaying the settlement of a regular minister, -Melville and his nephew resolved to discontinue them. The presbytery, on being informed of this, issued orders for the speedy filling up of the vacant charge. This injunction, with the reprimand with which it vas accompanied, gave great offence; and two of the baillies caused the precentor to read to the congregation a paper, drawn up in the name of the prior, and containing the most disrespectful reflections on the presbytery; for which they were brought before the General Assembly, and enjoined to make public satisfaction. Smeton and Arbuthnot, the principals of the universities of Glasgow and Aberdeen, were afterwards successively chosen ministers of St Andrews; and so sensible were the General Assembly of the importance of having that town provided with an able pastor, that they agreed to the translation. But the King, influenced, as was supposed, by the prior, prohibited it in both instances, on the ground of its being injurious to the universities t. By these means, that extensive parish was kept vacant during upwards of three years.

In these circumstances, the services which Melville performed gratuitously, though acceptable to the great body of the people, exposed him to ill will and abuse on the part of not a few. As long as he continued to preach, it was impossible for him to refrain from condemning the conduct of those who obstructed the settlement of the parish. The umbrage taken at this was increased by the severity with which he rebuked the more flagrant vices which prevailed among the inhabitants, and were overlooked by those in authority. Galled by his reproofs, the provost one day rose from his seat in the middle of the sermon, and left the church, muttering his dissatisfaction with the preacher. Placards were affixed to the new college-gate, threatening to set fire to the principal's lodging, to bastinade him, and to chase him out of the town. While his friends were alarmed for his safety, he remained unintimidated, and refused to yield in the slightest degree to the violence of his adversaries. He summoned the provost before the presbytery for contempt of divine ordinances. He persevered in his public censures of vice. One of the placards was known, by the French and Italian phrases in it, to be the production of James Learmont younger of Balcomy. This Melville produced to the congregation, at the end of a sermon in which he had been uncommonly free and vehement, and described the author of it, who was sitting before him, as a Frenchified, Italianized, joly gentleman, who had polluted many marriage-beds, and now boasted that he would pollute the church of God by bastinading his servants." He silenced his adversaries at this time, but they soon found an opportunity of revenging themselves for the freedoms which he had taken with them.

At this time, Alexander Arbuthnot, principal of the university of Aberdeen, departed this life. He was followed, in the course of a few months, by Thomas Smeton, principal of the university of Glasgow. Melville deplored their death in strains which were honourable to him as a friend and a patriot". The removal of two such learned and highly respected men, was universally bewailed as an irreparable loss, and, occurring at a critical period, was looked on as a prognostication of approaching calamity.

Notwithstanding what his majesty thought proper to profess to the commissioners of the church and to foreign ambassadors, it soon appeared that he felt a rooted aversion to the Ruthven Lords. In the end of June 1583, he suddenly withdrew from them, and having shut himself up in the castle of St Andrews, issued a proclamation condemning the enterprize of Ruthven, and declaring that, since that period, he had been kept in a state of restraint and captivity. At first he promised to pardon the offence which he had received, and to govern by the common advice of his nobility. But the mask of moderation was soon thrown off. Arran was again received at court, recovered his former influence, and renewed his tyrannical career with a fury increased by the recollection of his recent disgrace. This change portended a storm to the church, and it was not long before it burst on the heads of her principal ministers.

In the mean time all those who were concerned in seizing the King's person at Ruthven were declared traitors, and having refused to deliver themselves up, were ordered to be pursued as fugitives from justice. The caution which the ministers of the church had used in approving of that enterprize, prevented the court from taking any hasty measures against them as a body. But Arran placed spies about the principal individuals among them, with instructions to inform him if they uttered any thing from the pulpit derogatory to his proceedings.

Soon after the King came to St Andrews, and before Arran had been re-admitted to his presence, Melville received a visit from Sir Robert Melville, one of the new courtiers. Sir Robert informed him that some of his ill-wishers had been busy in prepossessing the royal mind against him, and advised him as a kinsman, to embrace the first opportunity

of waiting on his Majesty, and clearing himself from calumny. Melville thanked his friend for this mark of kindness, but excused himself from complying with his advice. If his Majesty wished his opinion on any thing relating to the church or commonwealth, or if he required his attendance to explain or answer for any part of his conduct, he was ready, he said, to obey the royal commands with all humility and reverence. But he was certain, that no man could justly charge him with having failed in the duty of a subject, and he would not take a step which implied a consciousness of guilt, and would make him an indirect accuser of himself to his sovereign

On Saturday the 15th of February 1584, Melville received a charge to appear before the privy council at Edinburgh on the Monday following, to answer for seditious and treasonable speeches uttered by him in his sermon and prayers on a fast which had been kept during the preceding month. Conscious of his innocence, he felt no hesitation on his own account in resolving to appear. His only concern was to know how he should conduct himself, so as not to prejudge the rights of the church and the liberty of the pulpit, which the court sought to infringe by its present mode of procedure. On this important point he had little time to deliberate, or to take the advice of his brethren. The university gave him an ample attestation, in which they declared their conviction that the accusation was false and calumnious ; that they had been constant attendants on his doctrine, and h ad never heard any thing proceed from his mouth that was derogatory to his Majesty's government ; and that, whenever he had occasion to touch on that subject. in doctrine, in application, or in prayers, he had always spoken reverently of his Majesty, and exhorted his hearers to yield obedience to him, and to the meanest magistrate who possessed authority under him*. Similar testimonials were given him by the town-council, the kirk-session, and the presbytery, of St Andrews.

When he appeared before the privy council, he, with the utmost readiness, gave an account of the sermon on which he was accused, for the satisfaction of his Majesty and their lordships. He had preached, he said, on the words with which Daniel reminded Belshazzar of the history of his father Nebuchadnezzar; and he deduced from them this general doctrine, " That it is the duty of ministers to apply examples of divine mercy and judgment in all ages, to kings, princes, and people; and that the nearer the persons are to us the more applicable is the example." On this part of his subject he had said, " But if, now a dayes, a minister would rehearse the example that fell out in king James the third's dayes, who was abused by the flattery of his courtiers, he should be said to vaige from his text, and perchance be accused of treason." He denied that he had said, as he was accused, that our Nebuchadnezzar (meaning the king's mother) was twice seven years banished, and would be restored again;" and affirmed that such a thought never came into his mind. He solemnly protested that neither in that sermon, nor in any other, had he used the words, falsely imputed to him, " The King is unlawfully promoted to the crown," nor any expression savouring of such a sentiment. Indeed, it was notorious, that the lawfulness of his Majesty's authority had all along been strenuously maintained by the church; and he could appeal to all with whom he had conversed, if he had not exerted himself to establish it in all his discourses and reasonings, both publicly and privately. What he had laid down, as founded upon his text, was, that whether kings are raised to their thrones by election, by succession, or by any other ordinary means, they owe their exaltation to God, a truth which, from the infirmity of human nature, is easily forgotten by them. And having confirmed this fact from the history of the good kings mentioned in Scripture, instead of making any application of it, he offered up a prayer, (as he was accustomed to do whenever he spoke of his Majesty) beseeching God of his grace not to suffer our King to forget the divine goodness displayed in raising him extraordinarily to the throne of this country, when he was a child in the cradle, his mother yet alive, and a great part of the nobility his enemies, and in preserving him since the burden of government was laid on his own shoulders. Melville concluded his statement by assuring the council that he had given, as nearly as he could recollect, the very words which he had spoken from the pulpit, and by entreating his Majesty, and their lordships not to listen to the misinformations of those who wrested his words from malice, or who were so grossly ignorant as not to be able to distinguish between an extraordinary and an unlawful calling. He at the same time produced the public attestations of his innocence which he had brought along with him.

Instead of resting satisfied with the explanation and testimonials, the council resolved to proceed with the .trial, upon which he stated the following objections, in the form of request. He requested, first, that, as he was accused upon certain expressions alleged to have been used by him in preaching and prayer, his trial should be remitted, in the first instance, to the ecclesiastical courts, as the ordinary judges of his ministerial conduct, according to Scripture, the laws of the kingdom, and an agreement made between certain commissioners of the privy council and of the church. Secondly, that he should be tried at St Andrews, where the alleged offence was committed. Thirdly, that, if his first request was not granted, he should at least enjoy the privilege of the university of which he was a member, by having his cause submitted, in the first instance, to the judgment of the rector and his assessors. Fourthly, that he should enjoy the benefit of the apostolical canon, "against an elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses." Fifthly, that he should have the benefit of a free subject by being made acquainted with his accuser, and 'that the individual who appeared in that character should, if the charge turned out to be false and calumnious, be liable to the punishment prescribed by the statutes against those who seek to alienate the king from his faithful subjects. In fine, he protested that if William Stewart was the informer, he had just ground to except against him, both as an accuser and as a witness, inasmuch as he entertained a deadly malice against him, and had frequently threatened to do him bodily harm if it was in his power. When he had stated these objections, the council adjourned the further consideration of the cause to the following day.

In the interval, Melville, after consulting with his brethren, drew up, in the form of a protest, tile objections which he had already stated verbally against the -council's proceeding in the trial. Next day commissioners from the presbytery and from the university of St Andrews attended, tile former to protest for tile liberty of the church, and the latter to repledge Melville to the court of the rector. But they were refused admission; and Melville,, f riding that the council were determined to proceed, gave in his protest. The reading of this paper, though expressed in the most temperate and respectful language, threw the King and Arran into so violent a rage, that their threatenings disturbed tile privy council, and spread an alarm among those who were without, and anxiously waited the issue of the trial. This violence roused Melville's spirit. He resolutely defended the step which he had taken, and told tile counsellors, that, when there was a constituted church in the country, they shewed themselves too bold in passing by its teachers, and assuming a right to pronounce sentence on the doctrine, and control the administrations of the servants of a King and Council greater than themselves

" And that ye may see your weakness and rashness in taking upon you what ye neither can nor ought to do, (unclasping his Hebrew Bible from his girdle, and throwing it on the table, he said,) These are my instructions: see if any of you can judge of them, or shew that I shave passed my injunctions" Arran took up the book, and perceiving it to be written in a strange language, gave it to the King, saying; Sir, be scorns your Majesty and the council." No, my lords; (replied Melville) I scorn not; but with all earnestness, zeal, and gravity, I stand for the cause of Jesus Christ and his church." He was several times removed, but not allowed to have any intercourse with his brethren. Intreaty and menace were alternately used to induce him to withdraw his protest, but he refused to do it unless his cause were remitted to the proper judges. At last Stewart was brought forward as accuser, and the deposition of a number of witnesses taken. But although most of them were his known mislikers, nothing could be extracted from their evidence that tended to criminate him. Notwithstanding this, he was found guilty of declining the judgment of the council, and behaving irreverently before them; and was condemned to be imprisoned in the castle of Edinburgh, and to be further punished in his person and goods at his Majesty's pleasure *.

His friends were greatly perplexed as to the course which they should now advise him to take. On the one hand, they were averse to deprive the church and schools of his services by advising him to leave the kingdom, and they were not without hopes that they would be able to procure his liberation after a short imprisonment. On the other hand, a temporary intermission of his labours was not to be put in balance with the safety of his life ; and the fury with which Arran conducted himself justified the strongest apprehensions. It was judged proper that he should keep himself concealed in the capital, while his nephew sounded the courtiers, and tried to ascertain the treatment which he was likely to receive. From some of them; James Melville received favourable assurances, but those on whom he could place more dependence, repeated the proverb of the house of Angus, " loose and living," anti signified, that if his uncle surrendered his liberty lie would not come out of prison except to the scaffold. This was corroborated by information that the place of his confinement was changed from the castle of Edinburgh to that of Blackness, a solitary and unwholesome dungeon kept by a creature of Arran's. As soon as he heard this, Melville decided upon the course which he would take, but without imparting his resolution to his friends. He came from his concealment, and made as if he intended to obey the sentence of the privy council. He dined in Lawson's house with the ministers who were in town, and was the most cheerful. person in the company; mingling more than his usual portion of hilarity with the graver conversation of the table, drinking the health of his captain, as he called the keeper of Blackness, and desiring his brethren to prepare to follow him. The macer being announced, he requested that he should be brought in; and received, with all respect, the charge to enter himself a prisoner within twenty-four hours. A little after this, he left the company, and being joined by his brother Roger, retired from Edinburgh, passed the night in the neighbourhood, and next day reached Berwick in safety; to the mortification of Arran who had a company of horsemen prepared to conduct him to Blackness.

The court incurred great odium by its severe treatment of Melville. The ministers of Edinburgh prayed for him in public, and the universal lament was, that the King, under the influence of evil Counsel, had driven into exile the most learned man in the kingdom, and the ablest champion of religion and the liberties of the church. To counteract this impression the privy council issued a proclamation, declaring that his exile was voluntary, and disclaiming any intention of using him rigorously. Little credit was given to this representation, which was contradicted by an act of council made after Melville's flight, and ordaining that such preachers as were accused, should henceforth be apprehended without the formality of a legal charge……………….

 

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